When President Obama was
re-elected last month, it not only set up another four years of the most
pro-LGBT president in U.S. history but it also sent a cold splash of water
streaming down the faces of the Republican Party as a stern wake-up call,
particularly in presidential politics.
The post-mortems continue among GOP operatives and politicians as to how
they managed to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.
In President Obama, this was one
of the most vulnerable incumbents in recent memory. He was the steward of a slow-to-recover
economy with unemployment hovering around 8 percent. There were reports that his base was nowhere
as enthusiastic as his supporters were during the historic run in 2008. His rival’s backers were hell-bent on
defeating Mr. Obama, very motivated, and thanks to the Supreme Court’s ruling
on the Citizens United case, unlimited amounts of big money were raised to defeat
the president.
The president prevailed. There are almost as many reasons why Mr.
Romney lost (and why Mr. Obama won) as there are people offering them. We can parse the exit polling, analyze
demographics, compare the technological advantages the Obama team had in the
get-out-the-vote efforts and the miscues of the challenger and still not have
the full picture.
But one factor that is emerging is
that there is an internal struggle within the Republican Party between the
doctrinaire ideologues and the pragmatists, with the latter projecting
long-term doom for the GOP unless it softens its hard-line stances on such
issues as immigration, women’s rights, and same-sex marriage.
Speaking from the pragmatist
side of the GOP, veteran Republican consultant Mike Murphy in a recent piece in
TIME magazine wrote, “The alternative
is a more secular and modernizing conservatism that eschews most social issues
to focus on creating a wide-open opportunity society that promises greater
economic freedom and the reform of government institutions like schools that
are vital to upward social mobility.” Even
the big funders are frustrated, says Murphy, because of the “party’s perceived
focus on divisive social issues.”
If the Republicans are serious
about remaining a viable force at the national level it will need to become
more pragmatic and less dogmatic. The
era of Lee Atwater’s cozy relationship with the religious right in the 1980’s
to gain Republican votes and Karl Rove’s use of social wedge issues (i.e. “gay
marriage”) in the 2000’s to strip votes away from Democrats may be coming to a
close.
For that to happen, the Tea
Party must weaken and more pragmatic conservatives must replace them. Abortion, contraceptives and same-sex
marriage would have to be taken off the table.
Republicans must try to persuade voters with their brand of economic
conservatism, not social dogma.
Enter the Supremes
LGBT folks could stand to
benefit should such a radical transformation ever take place. The country’s continued movement towards
support for same-sex marriage is not only a signal for the GOP faithful to hop
on the rainbow bus, but it could also provide a critical social backdrop as the
right-leaning Supreme Court hears arguments in March on the Prop 8 and DOMA
cases. The question of the validity of
same-sex marriage will finally be answered.
Some have already dubbed this the gay rights equivalent of Roe v. Wade.
Legal experts have agreed that
the Supreme Court considers public opinion in their deliberations. The trend is going in the right direction. Obviously the young voters of today will be participating
in more elections than older conservative citizens.
So when a recent Gallup poll
indicated that a whopping 73 percent in the 18-29 age group support same-sex
marriage, that should send a strong signal as to how society is changing as
well as the other data showing increasing support from the general population. The
Justices will also be cognizant of the three states that voted for marriage
equality and one which turned back a constitutional amendment at the ballot
box.
Congress’ movement on social matters tend to lag
behind the general public; therefore, political considerations for electoral
politics notwithstanding, it is unlikely, but not impossible, that progress
could finally be made on an all-inclusive Employment Non-Discrimination Act,
for example. Lawmakers can observe that
the repeal of ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ in 2010
did not result in any negative impact on the military’s readiness, unit
cohesion or effectiveness. More to the
point, there was little outcry from the citizens when the nefarious law was
finally repealed.
One thing is for certain, any
action on ENDA or the Congressional repeal of DOMA known as the Respect for
Marriage Act will not take place until the Supreme Court decides on the Prop 8
and DOMA cases. As soon as the news
broke about the Supreme Court’s acceptance of the cases, activists from all
over the country believed that the days of DOMA are about to come to an
end. The Prop 8 situation is more
questionable because the Court can rule against Prop 8 but narrowly or its
ruling can have a broader impact.
If either or both turn out
to be favorable, the good news is expected to be delivered in June—just in time
for most of the U.S. to celebrate Gay Pride.
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