A New Marriage in Maryland

Merger between FreeState Legal and Equality Maryland is a good match

For the past six months, the once prominent Equality Maryland organization was essentially moribund: cash-starved, no office, and no executive director.  Following decades of being the principal advocacy organization for LGBTQ Marylanders, Equality Maryland laid low hoping to eventually wake up from its tenuous existence.

That changed dramatically on January 6, 2016, when FreeState Legal, the Baltimore-based non-profit organization that serves the low-income LGBTQ community in Maryland through direct legal services, announced that it was merging with Equality Maryland. 

 “We are excited to better serve the LGBTQ community across all of Maryland,” said Patrick A. Paschall, Executive Director of FreeState Legal in a statement. “By combining FreeState Legal’s team of attorneys providing direct legal services with Equality Maryland’s longstanding history as the voice and political arm of the LGBTQ community, we are creating a comprehensive LGBTQ civil rights organization that will work throughout the state to end prejudice and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.”   

When Equality Maryland was experiencing fundraising difficulties earlier last year, they attempted to effect a merger with FreeState Legal, but according to Paschall, the timing was not right for FreeState to undergo that change.  Now it can, and it’s a good fit.

FreeState Legal, which has existed since 2008, has been on the upswing in both effectiveness and reputation.  It recently moved to new headquarters located at 231 East Baltimore Street, but it is unclear if that move is related to the merger.

Equality Maryland brings to the table thousands of members statewide and a string of significant victories under its belt especially the passage of marriage equality and comprehensive protections based on gender identity.  Equality Maryland was a component of the Marylanders for Marriage Equality coalition which withstood a referendum challenge to the newly passed law in 2012.

Patrick A. Paschall  Photo: Bob Ford

While these major accomplishments are noteworthy, there is much more work that needs to be done especially for people of color and low income LGBTQ individuals. 

Both Equality Maryland and FreeState Legal have enjoyed a working relationship in the past, so the merger should be a relatively seamless endeavor. One joint initiative that stands out is their work, as well as that of other partnering organizations, on the Youth Equality Alliance, which seeks to address the challenges of LGBTQ youth in Maryland education, foster care, and juvenile justice systems.

“Both FreeState Legal and Equality Maryland receive calls on a daily basis from LGBTQ Marylanders who continue to experience discrimination in housing, health care, employment, and public accommodations, discrimination or harassment in schools and foster care, or the risk of losing custody of their children,” said Jessica P. Weber, Board President of FreeState Legal.  

“Bringing together the expertise and experience of Equality Maryland and FreeState Legal will put us on the path to achieving the goal of full equality for all LGBT Marylanders,” said Lawrence S. Jacobs, Board Chair of Equality Maryland, Inc. in a statement.  

“This merger creates a statewide social justice organization that provides direct legal services to low-income LGBT Marylanders, implements and defends legislative protections against discrimination, engages in policy advocacy, organizes and empowers communities, educates and trains individuals and groups on LGBT cultural competence issues, and serves as a watchdog on behalf of Maryland’s entire LGBT community," he said.

The announcement on January 6 signals a 6-month-long process that will involve strategic planning and community input from all over the state to establish a combined mission and vision as well as a new name for the merged organization.  Paschall, who became FreeState Legal’s executive director last March, will remain as the executive director of the combined organization.  He said there will be no staff changes in the immediate future.

“For decades Equality Maryland has led the fight for LGBTQ equality in the state legislature,” said Paschall. “FreeState Legal could not be more excited to join forces with Equality Maryland, an organization that has such a deep history and strong track record of success serving Maryland’s LGBTQ community.”

May this marriage last.

The Summer Winds of Change are Blowing



No one can say this has been hum-drum summer in LGBT Baltimore.  Huge victories, such as the Supreme Court’s ruling that legalized same-sex marriages throughout the nation and the Boy Scouts of America officials voting to allow gay leaders grabbed the headlines.  This progress, unthinkable just a few years ago, were reasons to celebrate.

Taking it to the streets  Photo: Brian Gaither

Locally, other developments have taken place or occurring during the summer that are changing the LGBT landscape. This began prior to the summer when the iconic Hippo stunned the community by announcing its closing later this year after more than four decades of being a major LGBT institution in the city.

Another institution, Equality Maryland—a 25 year-old statewide civil rights advocacy organization that started out as Free State Justice—disclosed in June that financial difficulties stemming from declining revenues following the  passage of same-sex marriage among other factors led to the laying off of its executive director Carrie Evans. 

They recently vacated their Sharp Street offices to reduce overhead and gave away office furniture, old lawn signs from the marriage battles, and other such memorabilia.  On August 2, a new transitional board was established and decided the organization will remain open for the time being but with a scaled down operation.

The Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Community Center of Baltimore and Central Maryland (GLCCB) is constantly in a state of flux so that any changes this summer are almost to be expected.  The GLCCB is experiencing a staggering amount of turnover in their Board of Directors and at the executive director position.  Since December four individuals have served as the Board’s president, and in less than a year and a half, four have held the executive director or interim executive director’s post.

To be fair, other local organizations have also experienced changes in leadership or in key personnel this summer.  Examples include Hearts & Ears, Moveable Feast and Iron Crow Theatre.  In the spring FreeState Legal hired its new executive director Patrick Paschall.

A major departure from the norm, however, was the recent GLCCB-led Pride celebration that took place in July rather than its customary June spot during Father’s Day weekend.  Schedule conflicts with the city forced the dates to July 25-26, and it worked out well overall.  The separation from other area Pride festivities allowed the Center to increase its sponsorships and more importantly, it provided greater opportunities for potential Pride-goers from out of town to visit Baltimore instead of having to make choices during June’s congested Pride calendar.   

The two-day event in Baltimore drew sizable crowds and in theory should have provided critical revenue to the financially wobbly GLCCB.  For these reasons, if the GLCCB continues to operate Pride in the future, keeping it in July should be seriously considered.

An additional change during the summer has been a renewed brand of activism that is by-passing conventional models and is instead taking it to the streets.  This is significant in that it is not a seasonal event but potentially the beginning of a larger movement. 

#BaltimoreTRANSUPrising marching at Pride  Photo: Bob Ford

Inspired by the protests under the banner #BlackLivesMatter that followed a spate of police-involved killings of unarmed African-American men including Freddie Gray in Baltimore, transgender advocates banded together and formed a #BaltimoreTRANSUPrising movement to air a list of grievances. 

Much of their disquiet centers on police relations with transgender individuals and unsolved murders of transgender victims.  Other issues include homelessness among transgender people, better access to health care in general as well as trans-specific health care, and other forms of discrimination, particularly towards transgender people of color. Many trans folks believe that they have been ignored during the fight for marriage equality and their concerns have been brushed aside.  Now it’s time, they feel, to raise their voices and be heard.

One day before Pride, around a hundred vocal demonstrators marched through the streets of Old Goucher—an area where many transgender women have been harassed or harmed.  They ended up at Washington Monument Plaza for a rally whereby a series of demands were announced.

"...potentially the beginning of a larger movement"

The amount of individuals participating in the movement and the support it is receiving from the broader community could signal a new dynamic in the quest for overall equality.  Perhaps as a way to recognize this cause, Pride officials agreed that a contingent from the #BaltimoreTRANSUPrising group lead off all marchers in the Pride parade.  This is a rare phenomenon in recent Baltimore Pride events in that increased focus was given to a political initiative, and it’s welcome.

As older, established organizations are becoming less relevant today to a younger group of impatient activists, a new wave of leaders are emerging to try to create visibility and support to help reach the goal of equality for all. 

This may be the most significant result of a summer whose winds of change are blowing through the streets of Baltimore.

Are We Victims of Our Own Success?

When we first learned that the Hippo planned to close later this year, many in the community attributed that development to a cultural transformation.  Gay bars, according to these folks, aren’t as important as they once were, and with the growing acceptance of LGBT people by society as a whole, more gay people are finding their entertainment and social networking at straight establishments or online. 

This acceptance, although far from universal, has always been a goal of LGBT advocates who do not want to be considered second class citizens by the larger straight community.  In effect, one could point to this shift as a success, and if the trend continues, we could be seeing the end of gay bars and similar businesses—the results of this success—though I maintain they are still needed and have a place in our society.   

One such achievement that is causing financial problems for LGBT organizations is marriage equality.  For over a decade, same-sex marriage proponents have made the quest for marriage equality the centerpiece of the movement, which would bestow the over 1,100 benefits, rights and responsibilities that are conferred upon heterosexual married couples. 

While not every gay and lesbian considered marriage to a same-sex partner something they personally coveted, they still had that option should such nuptials become legal. It was a worthy goal, to be sure, and those organizations at the forefront of the battles in the state legislatures and governors’ offices reaped the benefits of this movement that gathered steam after same-sex marriage became legal in Massachusetts in 2003.

Whether or not gay or lesbian individuals were partnered, many bought into the marriage equality movement, and combined with supportive allies, wrote out checks to those organizations leading the way.  Locally, that organization had been Equality Maryland, which fought hard to push a bill through an overwhelmingly Democratic but politically timid legislature and an unyielding Governor Ehrlich followed by a vacillating Governor O’Malley who finally threw his support for the measure in 2011 after advocating for civil unions.

Despite the uphill climb, Equality Maryland prevailed, and along with others, succeeded in persuading the legislature to pass the bill, which O’Malley signed into law in 2012.  Equality Maryland joined other groups under the auspices of Marylanders for Marriage Equality to defeat a referendum put forth by marriage equality opponents including Maryland’s Catholic Archdiocese.

Just four days after the June 26 historic Supreme Court ruling that paved the way for the legalization of same-sex marriage in all 50 states, the chairs of Equality Maryland’s two boards released a statement warning of the organization’s potential demise. 

“Funding from individuals and major donor sources dropped significantly after securing marriage equality,” the statement read.  “The Board believes passionately that Equality Maryland ought to continue to play a critical, central role in the coming years for our community, but is facing one of two possibilities for the future: drastically scaling down operations, with a reduced capacity to serve its many constituencies across the state, or suspending operations entirely.

“Unless and until we secure adequate revenue to sustain the organization, the important services, oversight and advocacy it has consistently provided to the Maryland LGBT community will cease to be.”  

Carrie Evans, its executive director, had been let go because of the financial crisis.

It was always my impression that Equality Maryland was never awash in cash.  The organization nearly imploded a few years ago over financial matters and a lack of oversight by their board.  Morgan Meneses-Sheets, the executive director at the time, was fired in an ugly controversial mess. 

Equality Maryland’s finances had historically been held close to the vest.  Indeed, when the Washington Blade recently conducted a survey of national and local LGBT organizations concerning their financial status and the salaries of the respective executive directors, Equality Maryland did not respond to multiple requests to provide such information.  I always believed that organizations that raise money from the community ought to be more transparent regarding how the funds are being spent, but that was not the case with this one.

Clearly, the success of marriage equality here and nationally has removed the largest and most appealing magnet from which to raise money, and organizations like Equality Maryland could fall victim.  It would be a shame if that comes to pass. 

There is so much work ahead especially efforts to address bullying in schools, suicides among LGBT youth, homelessness whereby LGBT youth are disproportionately at risk, LGBT youth in the foster care and the juvenile justice system, the continuing fight to address discrimination and violence directed towards transgender individuals, banning conversion therapy, combating an increase in HIV infections in the African-American community in addition to the seemingly endless fight nationally to secure a Federal all-inclusive non-discrimination law.

Many of these issues require legislation, and Equality Maryland is in the best position to work its political acumen to achieve results.  However, they are not sexy issues as marriage equality was and, therefore, not likely to build their fundraising efforts around them.

Realizing that this was a real possibility, I strongly advocated for Equality Maryland to re-tool its mission and use its expertise to help launch local organizations in various parts of the state.  These “Balkanized” iterations of Equality Maryland would be in the best position to deal with local brush fires in schools, businesses, law enforcement and other areas where neighbors could have more of an impact than a central organization.

It’s something that Equality Maryland should still consider if it’s not too late.  Selling that idea to a public who helped financially to secure marriage equality is do-able.  Unless that happens, Equality Maryland as well as all of us will have been victims of our own success.

‘Gayzing’ Into My Crystal Ball: What’s in Store for 2015?

One thing about crystal balls, they’re not always crystal clear.  However, I’ve relied on them for some time now to make my annual predictions.  Twelve months ago, when I tried to forecast how 2014 would likely work out for the LGBT world, I was accurate in some cases and blew it in others.  That’s the risk you take when you depend on an inanimate object.

Graphic: Joe Velazquez

Looking back, I wrote correctly that 2014 would be a good year for marriage equality advances throughout the country, which came true in stunning fashion.  I also said that an interesting development would take place regarding at least one local LGBT organization.  Bull’s eye on that one, too, as the GLCCB found a new home.

Happily, I was off the mark regarding non-discrimination protections in Maryland based on gender identity.  I reasoned that with 2014 being an election year, the folks in Annapolis wouldn’t touch the hot-button issue.  Well, they did, and the Fairness for All Marylanders Act is now the law without the anguish from a referendum battle.

With some trepidation from a history of mixed bags in predicting, I will keep the tradition going with some forecasts for 2015. 

I’ll start not with a prediction but a statement.  In Maryland, this will be the first year in a decade where neither the major issues of marriage equality nor transgender protections will be a focus by advocates in Annapolis.  There remains other work to be done, for sure, but unfortunately these initiatives are not headline-grabbers like marriage equality.

Equality Maryland, who has helped fight those eventual winning battles, laid out their agenda for the 2015 General Assembly consisting of three bills they would like to see passed: 1)  a bill that would allow transgender people to change their Maryland birth certificate when it’s right for them; 2) a bill that would ensure  equal insurance coverage for same-sex married couples in the area of in-vitro fertilization; and 3) a bill that would ensure  that when parents separate, the best interests of the children will be the criteria to determine a non-legal (de facto) parent’s rights and responsibilities.

Though not glamorous, these are worthy measures and we should support them. In addition,  I would like to see  Equality Maryland, FreeState Legal Project and other members of the coalition comprising the Youth Equality Alliance (YEA) attempt to advance at least some of the recommendations contained in the YEA report released last August. 

This report focused in stark terms on the way LGBT youth are subject to poor treatment in schools, and in the foster care and juvenile justice systems—the “school to jail pipeline."  I predict, however, not much will happen in that regard.

Nationally, marriage equality will again be front and center.  While they’ve punted in the past allowing various federal Circuit Courts of Appeals’ decisions prohibiting same-sex marriage bans to stand, the U.S. Supreme Court justices will have to hold their collective noses and issue a national ruling on the legality of same-sex marriage once and for all.  There is that much momentum going; 2015 should be the year.

I predict the tragic suicide of young transgender Leelah Alcorn will be the big fight in 2015 as activists will go all-out in an attempt to ban conversion therapy and to fight intolerance.  Sadly, we tend to rely on suicides and murders as catalysts to get people energized.

The decades-long attempts to end workplace discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity (ENDA—Employment Nondiscrimination Act) during this Congress will continue to be met with frustration.  Though the Senate a year ago passed a bill by a 64-32 majority, the House leadership refused to take up the measure despite the likelihood it would have passed (since there were more Democrats in the 113^th Congress before the election) and President Obama would have signed it into law. 

As we approach the 114^th Congress—the one with the largest GOP majority in 83 years—there is no incentive on the part of Republicans to move on the bill and cause further fissures between social conservatives and establishment, more pragmatic lawmakers.  The newly elected and empowered representatives will not support ending this discrimination.  Thus, ENDA will continue to languish at least through 2015. 

As interest in the presidential race for 2016 heats up, there will be anti-marriage equality rhetoric from potential contenders—especially from socially bigoted, er, conservative hopefuls Mike Huckabee, Ted Cruz and Rick Santorum, which could push other candidates to the right.  It would be a certainty should the Supreme Court rule favorably on marriage equality.

In sports, I believe another pro athlete will come out.  It would be great if it originated by a player from our national pastime, but I would be celebrating no matter who it is. Baseball umpire Dale Scott set a promising tone with more support than not.  Also, look for Michael Sam to land a spot on an NFL roster.

An even more confident prediction is that should a gay athlete come out, anti-gay folks will declare they “don’t care” or they “don’t want to hear about it.”  That is the new meme for disliking the fact a male pro athlete announces he’s gay. 

Back home again, Chase Brexton Health Care, after establishing an LGBT Health Resource Center, will likely take on an expanded role in providing other LGBT services that had not been done before by Chase Brexton.

And one thing I will predict with sure-fire certainty: now that Pride has moved—at least temporarily to July where drag queens and leather folks could melt and form puddles in the summer’s heat—people will find a way to complain about the dates and location.  It’s a Baltimore tradition like crabs, Natty Boh, and snow panic.

Have a safe, healthy and happy 2015 and let’s toast that the good predictions come true and the bad ones don’t.

The OUTIES: the Best (and Worst) of 2014

It’s that time when I once again look through the rear view mirror and award the OUTspoken OUTIES for the past year.  I reviewed the events of this past year in the areas of politics and culture and am presenting an unapologetic, subjective, biased list of winners (and losers) who are deserving of the OUTIES trophy. In no particular order, here are the OUTspoken OUTIES of 2014.

Best Politician: Hands down, it’s Larry Hogan.  The Republican managed to rise from obscurity in a state that is 2 to 1 Democratic and ran a steady race to upset Anthony Brown (see below).  His economic message was focused, and his debates’ searing zingers hit the mark. The Brown strategists’ ineptitude and voter apathy helped.

Worst Politician: Hands down, it’s Anthony Brown.  Having cruised to a primary victory, aided by the Democratic establishment, a solid running mate and outspending his opponent by a 5 to 1margin, Brown went negative too early to lift Hogan’s name recognition giving him a chance at victory and squandered a clear opportunity to be the state’s first African-American governor.

Worst Example of Citizenship: The tens of thousands of voters who sat out the election but undoubtedly will grumble ad nauseam about how bad our elected officials are.

Worst Political Bet: Equality Maryland’s PAC for riding the front runner and endorsing Brown before the primary while alienating Mizeur and Gansler supporters in the process.  With three proven allies for LGBT equality running, EQMD should have remained neutral until the general election.

Most Gratifying Success: The passage of the Fairness for All Marylanders Act (FAMA) resulting in non-discrimination protections for transgender folks without having to deal with referendum drama.  The hyped bathroom scare didn’t work.

More Good Fortune for Trans: Movies, TV shows and a cover story on TIME helped propel more visibility for the transgender community.  Recall how Will & Grace and Real World helped gays to be more accepted.

Worst News for Trans: Two more brutal murders of trans women in Baltimore with little likelihood the cases will be solved.

Doing More With Less: A scaled down Equality Maryland, financially and in staff, managed to be a significant player along with other groups and individuals in getting FAMA enacted.

Best Local LGBT Organization: FreeState Legal Project for providing important pro bono legal assistance to those LGBT folks who can least afford it.

Most Altruistic Organization: Repeat winner Brother Help Thyself, which raises much needed money for non-profit LGBT orgs. Great work and they do it every year!

Most Popular Job: Executive Director at the GLCCB.  Three people have held that (or interim) position during 2014.  Here’s hoping for more stability at the Center.

Least Popular Move: Shifting the Pride block party to the MICA-Mt. Royal-Artscape area from Mount Vernon and eliminating Druid Hill Park met with significant blowback from communities.  The GLCCB is listening.

Best ‘I Got the Message’ Organization: The GLCCB, under fire for a lack of transparency and inclusiveness, has taken a series of concrete steps to help alleviate concerns.  It needs to continue.

Best Eatery to Lunch in Mount Vernon: Tavern on the Hill on Cathedral Street offers up a broad menu, tasty food and friendly service at a reasonable price.

Best Mount Vernon Restaurant for Dinner: The Mount Vernon Stable, an area fixture, provides a nice atmosphere for LGBT folks and serves fine dinners (and brunches and lunches) from a friendly staff.

Sorry to See You Go: The closing of The Quest was a blow to the Highlandtown locals and others who wanted to venture from other LGBT venues.  Its neighborhood feel is hard to duplicate.

Best Gay-Friendly Theater: Basically all local theaters are LGBT-friendly.  But Toby’s of Columbia with its large number of resident gay performers and staff gives it an edge.  Sometimes when visiting it seems like Pride with a buffet.  And the shows are reliably superb.

Best Gay Film: The BBC-produced Pride, which ran at the venerable Charles Theater, was my favorite.  It told a heartwarming story of how blue collar laborers and gays bonded to form a strong and successful alliance during the 1980’s miners’ strike in the U.K.

Best Gay Play: Iron Crow Theatre’s Homo Poe Show wins here. Well directed and acted, Homo Poe Show is a weird play in true Iron Crow tradition that consisted of a series of short pieces in an attempt to present Edgar Allan Poe’s works through a queer lens—forevermore.

Best Gay Musical: Dundalk Community College’s splashy production of one of my all-time favorites La Cage Aux Folles wins.  Given that there were gay main characters, the music and lyrics were penned by a gay composer Jerry Herman and the book written by Harvey Fierstein who is also gay, there is no question it deserves the OUTIES trophy.  Moreover, La Cage gives us the unofficial gay anthem “I Am What I Am.”

Best TV Show with a Gay Character: Move over Modern Family and make room for the Boston-based The McCarthys.  Ronny, the gay character played by Tyler Ritter (who is straight), is a hoot as is the rest of his snarky, loveable, sports-obsessed Irish-American family.

Best Kiss Since Al and Tipper Gore: Michael Sam locking lips with his sculpted abs boyfriend Vito Cammisano on ESPN upon learning that Sam was the first openly gay player to be drafted in the NFL.  Sadly, he failed to make a team—yet.

LGBT Support Split in Howard County Executive Race

Riding the red wave that splashed across the country and Maryland on November 4, former GOP State Senator Allan Kittleman stunned Democrat councilwoman Courtney Watson and her supporters in the race to succeed term-limited Ken Ulman as Howard County Executive. In doing so, Kittleman became only the second Republican to be elected to that office in the county’s history. 

Allan Kittleman with Carrie Evans during a fundraiser at Pride

Ulman lost his chance to be Lieutenant Governor as part of Anthony Brown’s failed bid to be Maryland’s first African-American governor. The 51.3 % to 48.6 % margin in the Kittleman-Watson contest was closer than the Larry Hogan margin over Brown in the county suggesting that Brown’s poor performance was a drag on Watson’s quest to be the county’s executive.

The race in Howard was distinguished by the fact that two strong LGBT advocates faced off against one another.  Although marriage equality and transgender non-discrimination were settled issues and were not the focus of the campaigns, each side tried to woo LGBT voters by touting their respective records. 

Watson’s campaign, for instance, held at least two LGBT-specific events.  Kittleman enlisted the support of Carrie Evans, executive director of Equality Maryland, to boost his campaign.  Evans recorded a video extolling Kittleman’s accomplishments for LGBT equality.

Kittleman had been a vocal supporter of marriage equality in Maryland’s Senate the last two years the bill came up for votes.  He also vigorously campaigned to protect the law that was signed by Governor Martin O’Malley in 2012 when it was petitioned to referendum.   

In addition, Kittleman supported and voted for this year’s successful passage of the Fairness for All Marylanders Act (FAMA) that provided anti-discrimination protections in employment, housing, public accommodations and credit based on gender identity. Those actions, which cost Kittleman his position as the Senate’s Minority Leader because they bucked party dogma, did not go unnoticed by the LGBT community.

For her part, Watson, as councilwoman, played a significant role in getting a similar transgender non-discrimination measure passed in Howard County.  She took that success to Baltimore County to persuade wavering lawmakers, and it passed just a couple of months later.  Watson went to Annapolis two years in a row and testified on the statewide bill’s behalf during House committee hearings.

Through the years, both candidates had regularly appeared at PFLAG-Howard County events to demonstrate support for the county’s LGBT citizens. Most notable of these was a joint appearance at a PFLAG-sponsored forum in July.   In October both candidates addressed the crowd during a celebration held by PFLAG and Gender Rights Maryland on the effective date of FAMA.

Though no data are available as to how LGBT folks and allies voted during the election, it is clear that each camp can claim support from key LGBT leaders. 

“Allan Kittleman was a champion for LGBT issues over the last few years in the General Assembly, and I know that he will continue fighting for fairness and equality in his new role,” said Equality Maryland’s Carrie Evans.   #hocopolitics

Watson had a staunch advocate as well. “We’re concerned about ensuring continued improvement in our quality of life as well as bullying in schools, affordable housing, and public health,” said Byron Macfarlane, the county’s Register of Wills and the first open LGBT person to hold elective office in Howard. “I hope now that the election is over, the vagaries and generalities of the Kittleman campaign will give way to concrete plans to address these very real concerns. I congratulate him on his victory and hope that the LGBT community and the new county executive will have a productive working relationship in the years ahead.”

Courting LGBT Voters in Howard County

Courtney Watson

Allan H. Kittleman

Republican Senator Allan H. Kittleman has been regarded as a hero among LGBT folks throughout the state for bucking his party’s positions and standing up forcefully to advance the cause of same-sex marriage.  He had also been recognized as a stalwart supporter of non-discrimination protections on the basis of gender identity. In doing so, he was the sole GOP Senator to speak out and vote for both pieces of legislation.

The Republican caucus in the Senate did not approve of his stands on these issues; consequently he relinquished the Senate Minority Leader post he held. Kittleman eventually brought down the curtain on his Senate career following this term.  He had decided instead to seek the soon-to-be vacant county executive position in Howard County that is currently being held by the term-limited Ken Ulman.

“Senator Allan Kittleman’s support did not come without a cost; he lost his leadership position,” said Carrie Evans, executive director for Equality Maryland.  “But that didn’t deter him. He worked with the campaign to lend a Republican voice to the chorus of support for Question 6. His support allowed for more Republicans to come forward claiming marriage equality as a Republican value.”

Kittleman has no regrets concerning his pro-LGBT views. “It is said of Robert Kennedy that he ‘saw wrongs and tried to right them,’ and I’ve tried to do the same,” he explained referring to a Democratic icon.  “That is why I co-sponsored and helped lead the effort to bring marriage equality to Maryland; that is also why I co-sponsored this session’s Fairness for All Marylanders legislation to provide equal rights to members of the transgender community.”

Kittleman’s opponent in the Howard County executive race is two-term Democratic Councilwoman Courtney Watson.  Neither candidate is facing a primary challenge.  But as much as Kittleman has earned praise from many LGBT people in the county and around the state, Watson has no intent to cede that demographic to her opponent knowing that every vote matters.

“We all celebrated the marriage victory in Maryland in 2012; it was a great day for something that was long overdue,” Watson said.  Howard County voted 59 to 41 percent in favor of marriage equality in the 2012 referendum.

She has been acclaimed particularly for her work in passing gender identity protections in Howard County, and that effort helped to bring about similar legislation in Baltimore County.

“When I learned about the difficulties facing a transgender classmate of my son's, I started working on a gender identity non-discrimination bill for Howard County and once we passed it in Howard in 2011, I took it to Baltimore County and shared it with my colleagues there who introduced and passed in 2012,” she recalls. “I testified on the bill in Baltimore County and also at the state hearings two years in a row.  With two more counties having successfully implemented this civil rights legislation, gender identity protections got much needed momentum in the General Assembly this year.”

Regarded as a swing county, Howard had been trending Democratic for over a decade yet many project this to be a tight race.  Estimates are that LGBT individuals represent 3% of the county’s population, which translates into roughly 9,000 potential voters.  When you add in families of LGBT people, friends, neighbors, co-workers and other supporters in this ever-widening circle, the amount of votes up for grab could be quite valuable and worth the effort for both candidates to woo. 

No stranger to tight elections is Byron Macfarlane, who edged out four-term Republican incumbent Kay Hartleb in 2010 to become the county’s Register of Wills.  Macfarlane is the first openly gay elected official in Howard and enthusiastically backs Watson.

“I endorse Courtney Watson for County Executive because of her support for marriage equality, her efforts during the marriage ballot referendum, her unparalleled leadership on championing gender identity protections, and her commitment that the LGBT community will always have a seat at the table on important issues facing our county,” Macfarlane said.  “I’m thrilled to be joining her to celebrate LGBT Pride Month with colleagues in government and a host of community leaders.” 

Indeed, Macfarlane will be the principal host of a campaign rally to boost LGBT support on June 1 from 1 p.m. to 3 p.m. at Azul 17, located at 9400 Snowden River Parkway, #127 in Columbia.

For his part, Kittleman is planning a similar event to attract LGBT voters. “We are working with our many LGBT supporters to organize an event in the summer/fall.”

Watson extols Howard County’s strong record on LGBT rights.  “I am proud that Howard County has led the way for LGBT issues in many ways, and as County Executive, I will continue to build a strong Howard County where all people are welcome and supported,” she says. 

“But this work isn't just about legislation; it’s about creating a community of support and encouragement where all people can reach their full potential,” Watson adds.  “As County Executive, I will work to make sure that all county service providers, from teachers to professionals who work with seniors, to first responders, have competency training and education about issues facing the LGBT community.  I am committed especially to provide the supports that can be lacking in some of our schools for children who are struggling.  StandUpHoCo is a county anti-bullying initiative begun this year that I worked with Ken Ulman to fund and implement, and I will continue to expand this important program.”

Sharon Brackett, a trans woman from Laurel who is board chair at Gender Rights Maryland, has had positive experiences with both candidates.  “As the key bill sponsor of the Gender Identity bill I have found [Watson] supportive of the Trans community.  I asked her to testify both in Baltimore County and in Annapolis and she did so willingly. I have interacted with her at a few business functions at the Maryland Center for Entrepreneurship,” said Brackett who is President and CEO of Tiresias Technologies, Inc.

In that respect, Brackett, who acknowledges Kittleman being the sole Senate Republican to support transgender rights, said she has had good discussions about business development with him.  “He always seems genuinely pleased to see me and offers a hug.” 

Kittleman points to his record on fairness as to why he should receive LGBT support.  “As County Executive, I will ensure that Howard County continues to be a leader in the effort to treat all individuals, all families and all marriages equally,” he says.  “Discrimination and intolerance will not be condoned in my administration.  I will expect and demand that those in my administration treat everyone equally regardless of their sexual orientation.  Further, members of the LGBT community will always have a seat at the table in my administration.  I will proactively reach out to the LGBT community to get their input on issues affecting Howard County.”

Because both candidates have been so supportive in Howard County, regardless of who comes out on top in November, LGBT folks and their allies stand to be winners as well.

#HoCoPolitics

The 'Bathroom Bill' Argument is a Loser

MDPetitions.com, the group led by Delegate Neil Parrott that is spearheading the drive to overturn the Fairness for All Marylanders Act (FAMA) by referendum, needs 18,500 signatures by May 31 and if successful, a total of 55,736 validated signatures by June 30. Assuming those goals are reached, the effort will likely fail by a popular vote.   

Twitter/Jenna Johnson, Washington Post

FAMA amends the state anti-discrimination law to include gender identity that would ban discrimination in employment, housing, credit and public accommodations.  The opposition cannot make a legitimate case to topple it.

This same group launched the successful drive to petition the Religious Freedom and Civil Marriage Protection Act to referendum in 2012.  Few accurately predicted the outcome, however, because never before had a ballot initiative to legalize same-sex nuptials succeeded when left to the voters to decide.  Despite history on its side, the active support of the Catholic Church, the National Organization for Marriage and other factors, Marylanders rejected the referendum and voted “yes” to marriage equality by a 52-48 percent margin.

I would be absolutely shocked if this statewide referendum effort to maintain discrimination against transgender individuals were to succeed at the ballot box.  One of the main reasons is the referendum proponents’ decision to dub the legislation as “the bathroom bill.” 

While marriage equality opponents presented a combination of arguments based on religion, debunked studies on the negative effects on children of gay or lesbian parents,  opposition to redefining “traditional” marriage, and that somehow same-sex marriage would lead to teaching homosexuality in the schools, MDPetitions.com and their allies are settling on the outrageously false charge that the law would open the door for men wearing dresses to enter a women’s restroom and do nasty things.

The Baltimore Sun derided this strategy as “juvenile in a 3^rd grade classroom” and “embarrassing” in an editorial. The Washington Post opined, “This was middle school trash talk disguised as policy analysis.” 

The petitioners played their hand early, and it should be a cakewalk to tear this argument to shreds.

Listening to the testimony by opponents of FAMA during the House and Senate hearings and then again on the House floor as part of the debate would drive any rational person to shriek. These people have no clue as to what it means to be transgender.  They purposely and misleadingly conflate being transgender with being a transvestite; that if a man “feels like being a woman one day,” he will put on a dress and wig and enter a woman’s private space to presumably stare or commit a sexual assault. 

Here’s a newsflash: if a man is inclined to perform a depraved act like that, he can do so without the benefit of FAMA.  Another flash: if anybody accosts, molests or rapes anyone in a restroom or other locale, they are subject to the laws of the jurisdiction that prohibit those acts and will be prosecuted and punished.    

In the 17 other states and D.C. as well as the several jurisdictions in Maryland—Baltimore City, Baltimore County, Howard County, Montgomery County and Hyattsville—where comprehensive gender identity protections have been enacted, there have been no such reports or problems resulting from the passage of the legislation.  FAMA does not make it legal to commit crimes, so how can the referendum’s supporters expect people to believe these so-called horror stories?

Unfortunately, many will.  As the anti-marriage equality folks did in attempting to scare people, they intend to use children as their pawns because once you bring children into the picture, the emotional landscape shifts.  “Little girls will no longer be safe in a restroom if this bill becomes law,” they say.  That’s what we can expect, but fortunately, that’s all they have, and it should and will be shot down. 

Equality Maryland, the most significant component in the umbrella group Maryland Coalition for TransgenderEquality, will ostensibly counter the petition drive.  To its credit the organization has launched an education campaign designed to discredit the falsehoods put forth by the petitioners. Among the 19 questions listed on their FAQ page  the one that directly addresses the question about men dressing up as women to enter a women’s rest room contains a clear response: 

“This law does not entitle a person whose core identity is male to use the women’s room, or whose core identity is female to use the men’s room.  Even if a man dresses up as woman, if his sincerely held, core identity is male, he cannot use the women’s room.  This Act does not change that.

“Moreover, this law does not change or weaken Maryland’s criminal laws in any way.  If someone goes into a restroom to ogle or expose themselves or harass or assault someone, what they are doing is illegal and they will be prosecuted – regardless of how they are dressed or what their sex is or what their gender identity is.”

The general public’s ignorance of what being transgender means causes many to be susceptible to the bunk spewed by the petitioners.  Plenty still perceive transgender folks as cross-dressers acting out a fetish. 

Nonetheless, a Goucher College poll from March shows that some 71 percent of Marylanders support non-discrimination for transgender people.  But as I have cautioned before, one should never lean on a poll.  Social justice issues tend to skew the numbers favorably towards minority rights.  We also don’t know if the methodology was sound.  And most importantly, the data do not reflect the “bathroom” propaganda yet to be unleashed.

Therefore, it is prudent to fight back ferociously with all the information we can muster.  By playing their ace-in-the-hole now, MDPetitions.com gave FAMA supporters the time to respond to the childish fantasies that comprise the basic rationale for their opposition to the law.

Taking the Local Road to Equality

As the transgender rights bill (Fairness for All Marylanders Act) continues to work its way through the General Assembly with hopefully positive results, the last big piece of legislation for LGBT Marylanders will be joining marriage equality in the rear-view mirror.  This is not to say the work is done, however. 

Carrie Evans, the executive director of Equality Maryland, indicated that there are future legislative initiatives concerning equality and justice that intersect with being LGBT.  “We are more than our sexual orientation and gender identity,” she said.  “We are black, immigrant, parents, rural dwelling, disabled, young, and senior citizens, and Equality Maryland will work on advocating for the whole of an LGBT person’s identity and issues.” 

While Equality Maryland re-tools its mission to take on matters that concern these groups, there are those who strongly believe that the most effective way to deal with anti-gay brushfires around the state is to go local.  The recent physical attack of a gay couple in New York’s West Village should underscore the fact that there are too many haters out there, which cannot be masked by recent victories in marriage and transgender equality.

Having local affiliates throughout the state, similar to what the NAACP does, makes patently good sense.  Volunteers consisting of LGBT folks and allies in each county (or region) should form groups that could be called, for example, “Equality Allegany” or “Equality Eastern Shore” or “Equality Prince George’s” depending on the jurisdiction.

With an LGBT presence at the local level, there could be more efficient ways to interact with the police on crimes or hate bias incidents directed towards LGBT folks.  Local affiliates could meet with police representatives to discuss such matters and hold conversations to educate the police on LGBT concerns that cannot be accomplished at the state level.

Local equality affiliates could also interact with their elected officials whether they are county executives, councilpersons, state representatives or other elected officials.  Maryland is a diverse state with each jurisdiction having unique problems.  Residents of these localities are familiar with these issues; perhaps they know the officials well enough to have a cup of coffee and initiate meaningful dialogue.

The same could be said for the local school boards.  Numerous LGBT families have children attending schools, and there are, of course, LGBT kids all over.  While the state has anti-bullying measures in place, individual incidents need to be addressed at the local school board level.  Who is better equipped to discuss anti-bullying policies than those people living in the same county and who may be members of the PTA or personally know members of the board?

Getting the local business community behind its LGBT neighbors cannot be overemphasized.  As the fracas in Arizona proved, business people saw discrimination as counter-productive and applied strong pressure on Governor Brewer to veto the preposterous discriminatory bill.  The local affiliate representatives should meet with business owners—large and small—to determine how supporting LGBT rights would be mutually beneficial.

I would also encourage each local group to form a speakers’ bureau consisting of at least one LGBT person, a parent of an LGBT child and another ally to foster trust and understanding.  The speakers would explain that as more and more people come out as LGBT, they are your family members, friends, classmates, neighbors and co-workers.  The presentations and discussions concerning LGBT issues should be directed at businesses, government entities and even religious organizations.  They should push to get invited; such talks would resonate given that the presenters are neighbors and customers.

Efforts at the local level have already paid dividends over the years, and there are already such “equality organizations” in place.  I’ve seen firsthand the myriad accomplishments of PFLAG-Howard County, which is a model for advocacy in the state.  The chapter has been successful at the county and state levels as well as in the private sector to eliminate the last vestiges of discrimination.

The progress being made by both The LGBT Center and the PFLAG chapter in Frederick has been notable.  They are working with the police and businesses to create a comfortable environment for a growing LGBT population in what was once a very conservative area.

There are other PFLAG chapters around the state that could serve as the root organization for the equality affiliate.  Chapters exist in Baltimore, Carroll, Kent and Montgomery counties, so they would be off to a fast start.  There has also been some movement in organizing LGBT events in Anne Arundel.

The GLCCB perhaps could serve as the principal organization in Baltimore City.  They have already taken big strides through their partnering with city government on a number of issues and have maintained a good relationship with the police—key successes in an urban environment.

Other affiliates, of course, would have to be established in rural counties.  The tasks are more daunting in those areas given the socially conservative mindset, but that is where the work is most needed.  Again, one should stress that those folks are their neighbors, customers, teachers, physicians and friends.  It’s worked before; it should work again.

All this localization is not designed to reduce Equality Maryland’s role in the quest for LGBT rights.  On the contrary, that organization could be a significant factor in the success of this effort.  I believe it should serve as the umbrella organization for the local affiliates.  Since the local groups would consist of volunteers, it would not place a financial burden on Equality Maryland.  They can use their database to identify potential volunteers around the state.

The larger organization would provide guidance on policy matters and connect the locals to elected officials.  Equality Maryland could hold an annual conference/fundraiser to discuss best practices among other subjects.  To the extent Equality Maryland would have control over the local groups would be left to the affiliates to negotiate. 

This is a big undertaking that will take time to succeed.  But going local is the right direction to take on the winding road to equality.

Equality Maryland's Endorsement Gamble

‘Twas two nights before Christmas,

When all through the state
Not a person was stirring,
Be it LGBT or straight.

Then Equality Maryland said
That its PAC made some choices,
From governor to delegates,
That led to raised voices.

Many were surprised

That their top pick was Brown,
Bringing Gansler and Mizeur folks
A Christmastime frown.

Choosing the front runner

Is easy to handle,
But is dividing the community
Worth such a gamble?

 

The Equality Maryland Political Action Committee raised some eyebrows with the first round of endorsements for 37 races in Maryland’s 2014 primary elections to take place in June.   Their revelation that the PAC chose the Brown-Ulman ticket caused pre-Christmas stirring from Takoma Park to Baltimore and all around the state, garnering much media attention. 

The announcement, which occurred just days before a scheduled January 4 fundraiser for the Brown-Ulman ticket at the City Café in Baltimore which Carrie Evans, executive director of Equality Maryland is among the hosts, elicited swift and sharp reaction on social media. 

Not to be overlooked by the gubernatorial choice is the mystifying fact that none of the lesbians in the House of Delegates were endorsed in this round.  They include Maggie McIntosh who finished in second place as the Baltimore Sun’s Marylander of the Year in 2012, Mary Washington, Bonnie Cullison and Anne Kaiser.

“Equality Maryland just lost their last shred of credibility,” commented a transgender rights advocate from Baltimore kicking off a spirited discussion on Facebook.

But at the moment, the endorsement for governor is creating the most buzz.   Although Attorney General Doug Gansler has a strong LGBT following given his record on marriage equality—a core factor in the PAC’s evaluation that consisted of questionnaires and interviews—many support Del. Heather Mizeur’s quest to be the first woman and openly gay person to be governor of Maryland. Others see Lt. Governor Anthony Brown as the only viable candidate who could defeat a Republican in November.

“We’ve made great progress over the past seven years, achieving marriage equality and strengthening domestic violence services for LGBT residents, while working to ban discrimination based on gender identity,” Brown said in a statement.

For her part, Mizeur characterized the choice as “puzzling.” She said, “No one in this race has done more for the LGBT community than the Mizeur-Coates ticket. I’m not sure what more we could have done to earn their support.”

Bob Wheelock, a spokesman for Gansler wrote in an email, “We are confident that Doug’s record on fighting for and protecting the rights and safety of the LGBT residents of Maryland will factor into the voters’ decision in the Democratic primary and on Election Day.”

“I suppose any candidate that doesn’t get an endorsement feels snubbed,” said Evans. “Equality Maryland is confident the Brown/Ulman administration will provide the leadership Equality Maryland needs in our next governor and has the relationships we need to move LGBT issues forward in our state.”

All three Democratic candidates and their running mates have solid records on LGBT issues, and to say one is better than the others is questionable.  Gansler was the first statewide official to endorse marriage equality in 2008 and had been an unwavering supporter.  His opinion in 2010 as Attorney General that Maryland can recognize the lawful same-sex marriages from other states helped pave the way for the ultimate victory in 2012.

Heather Mizeur, a lesbian with a wife, has also been a vigorous proponent of marriage equality.  I testified along with her at a House committee hearing for a bill that was aimed at pre-empting Gansler’s eventual opinion.  Mizeur’s testimony was sincere, persuasive and effective, and one could see great potential for her.

While I had met Anthony Brown, I never had the opportunity to speak with him on LGBT issues.  Nonetheless, a very credible source told me that Brown was an early supporter of marriage equality—even before Governor O’Malley—but worked behind the scenes especially in Prince George’s County to help make it happen.  In addition, Brown had been a vocal advocate for the repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy and appeared on national television in that regard.

With all three candidates possessing strong credentials and leadership, Equality Maryland chose to ride the perceived front runner.  Brown has racked up most of the endorsements so far, has a formidable war chest and the backing of the Democratic establishment.  Early polls indicate Brown with a robust lead over the other candidates.

By backing Brown, should he prevail, Equality Maryland could stand to receive at a minimum access to the O’Malley-Brown mammoth donor list to help finance the organization as it evolves to a post-marriage equality mission that will entail a broader scope.

However, the primary is six months away and much can happen in that timeframe.  Brown’s success (or failure) will undoubtedly be linked to O’Malley’s popularity, which is often volatile.  Moreover, should he win the nomination, the actual election is by no means a lock (see above re: O’Malley).

It is indeed a gamble for Equality Maryland, but is it a good one?  The front running horse may have the probability of a win but it also yields the smallest payoff.  Preferring one candidate now over two with strong LGBT pedigree, Equality Maryland stands to alienate a significant number of Gansler and Mizeur supporters—many of whom live in cash-rich Montgomery County and have been a major source of contributions to the organization over the years.

Equality Maryland should have taken a safer course and remained neutral through the primary and not risk dividing the LGBT community. It would also be better served if it channeled its energy and whatever resources it possesses towards finding and funding candidates to defeat anti-LGBT Democratic legislators.  Sen. Anthony Muse who has blocked progress for LGBT folks comes to mind.

Equality Maryland’s PAC rolled the dice with Anthony Brown and will reap the benefits of this action or pay a steep price.  Time will tell.  But like all gambling activities, it’s always about money.

One Year after Question 6: Revisiting, Not Revising History

Almost a year after Maryland voters upheld the law allowing same-sex marriage, there was the expected amount of celebrating at the recent back-slapping, self-congratulatory love-fest called the Equality Maryland 25^th Anniversary Brunch. That victory at the ballot box deservedly was the centerpiece.

Equality Maryland’s executive director, Carrie Evans, gave a speech using a curious “House of Cards” theme in thanking virtually everybody who had been involved with the organization over the past quarter century and in the process made some interesting comments.  Evans thanked the Human Rights Campaign (HRC) for not pulling funding from the campaign in 2012 and declared that “without HRC we would not have won,” suggesting that HRC was merely a funder. 

There are two elements in play.  First, the pulled funding comment was a not-so-subtle swipe at Freedom to Marry, who had contributed needed dollars to the other statewide battles for marriage equality but had bypassed Maryland in the early stages.  The organization’s founder and director Evan Wolfson told me that it was a myth that they pulled funding from the cause.  “We never pulled out,” he emphasized.  “We never jumped in.” 

The reason was their belief that under the leadership of the campaign (Marylanders for Marriage Equality), he did not think Maryland would be successful at the ballot box and instead provided resources to the other states.  They later chipped in, however, with some $200,000 as the Maryland campaign’s end neared and confidence grew.

The other aspect of Evans’ comment about HRC’s role requires more examination.  During the festivities, the focus was rightfully about Equality Maryland but gave the impression Equality Maryland led the battle.  At one time, yes.

In celebrating its achievements, Equality Maryland should have really been rejoicing over the fact they are living to fight another day.  Shortly after the debacle in the General Assembly in 2011 where a plausible victory on marriage equality was deep-sixed in the House of Delegates from insufficient support, Equality Maryland imploded.  Its financial foundation was cracking, leaving the organization in near ruin.  The controversial, less-than-elegant dismissal of the executive director, the abrupt departure of its fundraising director, and a major shake-up of the board, left the organization in shambles in terms of finances and confidence—a dark point in their history that was conspicuously absent from Evans’ remarks. 

Following the successful initiative by marriage equality opponents to have the law voted on by referendum during the 2012 election, Equality Maryland was in no position, despite a new executive director and board in place, to carry out the fight that had been heretofore unsuccessful in every state where the voters were given the chance to decide on the issue.

In need of a victory of its own to tout and assessing the weakness in Equality Maryland at the time, HRC, with its ample resources, fundraising apparatus and personnel, seized the reins to lead the referendum battle, which eventually was termed “Question 6”.  It had already begun by assuming control of the lobbying efforts during the year’s legislative session.

To broaden its appeal, HRC formed a “coalition” of partners that consisted of the Baltimore branch of the NAACP, Equality Maryland, the ACLU of Maryland, and various unions, clergy, and other progressive organizations.  Equality Maryland was only one of these “partnering” organizations, not the one driving the campaign.

Although critics have characterized the lesser members of the coalition as “window dressing”, they did have roles to fill and Equality Maryland made significant contributions.  Most importantly, Equality Maryland raised a good chunk of money using their brand, damaged as it was, and donated to the campaign.  Moreover, they helped recruit volunteers for the field operations.

But make no mistake, it was HRC’s show under the banner of Marylanders for Marriage Equality.  Even with the larger, richer organization at the helm, it was no smooth ride.  An insider with the campaign confided that Governor O’Malley, the chief lobbyist during the General Assembly to get the bill passed in both houses and a noteworthy fundraiser throughout, was “not happy” with the way the campaign was being run.  And he was particularly miffed that fundraising targets were not being met according to pre-determined timelines. Later, Delegate Maggie McIntosh was reported to have stepped in to handle decision-making in the organization.

Undeniably, Marylanders for Marriage Equality got off to a rocky start.  In April 2012, they brought in a political strategist, Josh Levin, to be the campaign manager.  But field operations were slow to develop, TV spots were not aired early on, and many activists were getting antsy over the delays. 

The announcements by President Obama and the national NAACP as well as other prominent officials in support of marriage equality gave the campaign a needed shot in the arm.  Outstanding television advertising ultimately was effective in combating the lies created by the opposition that had been so successful in California and other states.

A bit of luck also played in the Question 6 supporters’ favor.  Political observers believed that the decisive money edge to marriage equality proponents can be attributed to the Church of the Latter Day Saints’ desire not to get deeply involved that year as they had previously in California and Maine and become a focus of controversy during the Mormon Mitt Romney’s run for president.  In addition, much of the available TV advertising space was blocked largely by the moneyed casino interests on both sides of the issue, thus preventing the scare tactics from gaining traction.

All things considered, the victory a year ago was a team effort that was led by HRC through the auspices of Marylanders for Marriage Equality though no one entity deserves sole credit.  Everyone involved from donors to volunteers to the LGBT caucus in the legislature to the leadership of the Governor to the voters themselves should share in the historic victory.  And the rainbow gods, providing some good fortune, smiled on us as well.